Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has signaled his determination to reclaim control over his government by bringing Gideon Sa’ar’s United Right party into the coalition. This move, announced in a joint statement on Sunday night, represents a significant shift in the political dynamics of the current Israeli government, effectively curtailing the stranglehold that far-right factions have maintained over Netanyahu since his return to power.

A Dramatic U-Turn: Sa’ar’s Entrance into the Government

The decision to bring Sa’ar into the fold comes on the heels of a whirlwind political saga. Less than a week ago, Sa’ar was on the brink of joining the government as Defense Minister—a high-stakes position crucial to Israel’s security. However, the appointment collapsed amidst fierce criticism over his qualifications, as many viewed the IDF backed Defense Minister Yoav Gallant as too popular and well-suited for the role to be replaced by Sa’ar. Yet, in a strategic pivot, Netanyahu has managed to secure Sa’ar’s inclusion as a minister-without-portfolio, with reports indicating he will also hold a seat on the coveted security cabinet, alongside participating in smaller security consultations.

Netanyahu & Sa’ar make natural ideological partners. Sa’ar is also one of the more capable &!experienced Ministers. His inclusion will also give BiBi more leverage on budget, some of the more contentious reforms and against Ben-Gvir / Smotrich. Solid chance he’ll see end of term. pic.twitter.com/4HWrtS032s

— Arsen Ostrovsky 🎗️ (@Ostrov_A) September 29, 2024

This is no minor reshuffling; this is a seismic recalibration of Israel’s political power structures. The four members of Sa’ar’s United Right party will now raise the governing coalition’s numbers from 64 to 68 seats in the Knesset, effectively weakening the leverage held by the two far-right factions—Religious Zionism (with 7 seats) and Otzma Yehudit (with 6 seats). These parties have been notorious for wielding their combined 13-seat bloc to demand political concessions in exchange for their continued support of Netanyahu’s coalition. But with Sa’ar in the picture, their bargaining power is dramatically diminished.

A New Political Landscape: Netanyahu Gains Breathing Room

For Netanyahu, the inclusion of Sa’ar’s party into the coalition represents more than just a numerical advantage—it could very well be the lifeline that ensures his government’s survival. With Sa’ar’s support, the prime minister is no longer held hostage by the whims of the far-right. In fact, should tensions between Netanyahu and Otzma Yehudit leader Itamar Ben-Gvir or Religious Zionism’s Bezalel Smotrich escalate, Netanyahu now has the ability to dismiss them from the coalition altogether, secure in the knowledge that his majority is no longer at risk.  Ben-Gvir and Smotrich along with their respective parties have been adamantly against an Israeli ceasefire deal with Hamas that gives Hamas a chance to survive. They have threatened to leave the government if such a deal were to be signed, resulting in the collapse of Netanyahu's government.

Israeli coalition expands to 68 seats after Gideon Sa'ar joins government with 4-member faction. This leaves other parties with reduced leverage, giving Netanyahu more flexibility to advance wider range of moves , i.e. Gaza deal or other steps on Lebanon front.

— Israel Radar (@IsraelRadar_com) September 29, 2024

Yet, the shake-up comes with its own set of challenges. With Sa’ar now part of the cabinet, particularly in the realm of defense and security discussions, Defense Minister Gallant’s position may be increasingly tenuous. Should Sa’ar prove himself capable and popular within the security cabinet, Gallant may find his tenure in jeopardy, casting a shadow of uncertainty over the Ministry of Defense.

Sa’ar’s Return: From Opposition to Power

For Sa’ar, this return to government marks a significant evolution in his political journey. After breaking away from Benny Gantz’s party in March, Sa’ar had taken a strong stand against what he viewed as weak Israeli policies in Gaza, accusing the government of failing to take decisive action in the face of escalating threats. His departure from the government was followed by Gantz’s own exit in June, leaving Sa’ar in political limbo.

However, in his joint press conference with Netanyahu, Sa’ar was gracious in his remarks, acknowledging that despite years of personal and political differences with the prime minister, the recent October 7 massacre had rendered such schisms “insignificant.” In his words, he had come to the stark realization that sitting in the opposition was futile, as most of its members held views on the war that were “far from” his own. Sa’ar’s decision to rejoin the government, without the security of a formal coalition agreement, speaks to his willingness to set aside past grievances in favor of what he sees as a higher national calling.

This was written before Sa'ar's announcement that he was joining the government. That, in effect, neutralizes any hold or veto power that Ben Gvri and Smotrich had over Bibi to oppose a deal. https://t.co/Stezrs12xZ

— Raylan Givens (@JewishWarrior13) September 29, 2024

Netanyahu, for his part, was effusive in his praise of Sa’ar, describing him as someone with a “broad view” and an ability to “propose creative solutions to complicated problems.” This rekindling of political cooperation between two erstwhile rivals adds a layer of intrigue to the ever-evolving political chessboard in Israel.

Critics Weigh In: Lapid’s Warning and Ben-Gvir’s Fury

While many within Netanyahu’s government—such as Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich and National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir—praised the move, the opposition was quick to express skepticism. Opposition leader Yair Lapid took to social media to argue that Sa’ar’s inclusion would do little to stabilize Netanyahu politically. In a scathing post on X (formerly Twitter), Lapid claimed that Ben-Gvir, the leader of Otzma Yehudit, would not tolerate the loss of his influence and would continue to “trip up” the coalition.

Lapid also argued that the real problem with the government was not its legislative support but the harsh realities it faces—namely, budgetary constraints and military readiness. “Sa’ar won’t be able to procure billions of shekels for the budget or 15 battalions for the IDF,” Lapid remarked, predicting that “reality will catch up” to Netanyahu’s government sooner or later.

Hahahaha. Dems so mad about Bibi’s Sa'ar move they’re lashing out. The last plan for blowing up Netanyahu’s coalition with sanctions on Ben Gvir and Smotrich to bring on the color revolution went poof, just like a Hezbo in Beirut. That’s some king shit, Abu Yair. https://t.co/OU4k5CUiDl

— Rod Sales 🏹 ✡︎🎗️ (@sanhedrin72a4) September 30, 2024

But while Lapid’s criticisms may strike a chord with some, they gloss over a crucial new reality: with Sa’ar in the government, Netanyahu is far better positioned to dismiss Ben-Gvir’s far-right faction if their demands become untenable. And with the far-right’s influence curtailed, Netanyahu can now pursue a broader, more centrist agenda without constantly being held hostage by extremist threats.

The Road Ahead: Netanyahu’s Political Survival

Netanyahu’s political career has been marked by his ability to outmaneuver his rivals, and this latest move shows that he is as shrewd as ever. By bringing Sa’ar into the coalition, Netanyahu has not only expanded his government but also secured a buffer against the far-right factions that have sought to control his agenda.

Whether this will ensure the long-term survival of his government remains to be seen, but for now, Netanyahu has once again shown why he remains Israel’s most formidable political operator.